From Discipline to Leverage: The Marketisation of Fasting and Prayer

This essay examines how fasting and prayer are increasingly instrumentalised in
Nigeria—politically and ecclesially—and argues for a recovery of asceticism as formation in
compassion rather than a technique of leverage.

Introduction

In June 2025, reports emerged from Nigerian media indicating that the Nigerian Ministry of Agriculture issued a nationwide call for prayer and fasting to address the issue of famine within the country. This appeal for prayer and fasting provoked significant controversy, as numerous Nigerians utilised social media platforms to accuse the government of attempting to divert attention from its fiduciary responsibilities.[1] Critics contended that the government was neglecting critical issues such as inflation and the escalating poverty levels by promoting national prayer and fasting. Subsequently, these calls for prayer and fasting were suspended following widespread backlash, as the government provided explanations suggesting that the initial initiative was misunderstood and was not intended as a diversion.[2]

However, it must be clarified that this is not the first instance of a nationwide call for prayer. At times, such appeals are made collectively or by individuals, while on other occasions they are of a collective nature. For example, two years ago, some Christian leaders initiated a 40-day period of prayer and fasting for Nigeria titled “National Solemn Assembly,” aiming to address the persistent issues within the country.[3] The pertinent question remains: has this initiative resolved the nation’s difficulties? 

Considering Nigeria’s deeply religious national identity, the frequent calls for prayer and fasting have become so widespread and frequently misused that their effectiveness has diminished significantly. It is readily apparent upon examining social media accounts of certain churches that their constant promotion of prayer and fasting occurs almost throughout the entire year. Recently, one of the prominent mega churches in Lagos has announced the completion of a 21-day period of prayer and fasting.[4] However, the question remains: does this truly bring about meaningful change?

Asceticism as Formation, Not Leverage

In the classical Christian tradition, fasting and prayer are integral components of the broader discipline of asceticism. This discipline is not a spectacle of suffering but rather an educational process of freedom aimed at love.[5] The Church Fathers consistently describe ascetic practice as a remedy for disordered desire, designed to foster humility, clear judgment, and tangible charity—particularly solidarity with the impoverished.[6] When these disciplines are detached from mercy and moral responsibility, they do not become “more spiritual”; instead, they tend to become increasingly perilous.[7] What should nurture the believer can instead be transformed into a tool for conformity, status, or exploitation, often resulting in harm to those least capable of resisting spiritual coercion.[8] The exploitation of ascetic rhetoric generally follows a recognisable pattern: extreme fasting is heralded as a marker of earnestness, refusal is stigmatised as rebellion or deficiency of faith, and anticipated outcomes are linked to financial solicitations.[9] At this stage, the practice ceases to serve as a means of spiritual formation and instead becomes a form of spiritual manipulation. Therefore, a practical-theological response must emphasise safeguards such as transparent instruction, voluntary participation, proportionality, pastoral oversight, and an explicit prohibition on associating fasting practices with monetary contributions or access to ministry.[10] If asceticism fails to produce compassion, it ceases to be a Christian discipline and instead becomes a religious technique.[11]

The Monetary Game of Asceticism

It is increasingly evident that the management of continual prayer and fasting can become a strategy of diversion in both the political sphere and the religious community. Nigeria faces acute insecurity—kidnappings, ritual killings, internal and ethnic conflicts, and armed attacks that leave villages with fatalities—alongside environmental crises such as flooding and drought. These pressures are compounded by inflation and a troubling naira–dollar exchange rate, which has led many to prefer transacting in dollars. The consequence is severe hardship: citizens struggle to subsist, inequality expands, and the middle class has been eroded, including among civil servants who take on secondary trading to survive, sometimes after months without wages. High youth unemployment then intensifies drug abuse, illicit drug trading, and criminal activity, including fraud networks popularly known as “Yahoo boys” or “419 gangs”. In such a context, prayer-and-fasting rhetoric easily becomes a substitute for accountability—an emotional and spiritual response that can be manipulated when practical relief and responsible governance are absent.

Despite the aforementioned considerations, it is imperative that we persist in addressing the inconsistency pertaining to fasting and prayer practices within the Christian community in Nigeria, particularly in relation to Mark 9:29, which states, “Jesus replied, ‘This kind can be cast out only by prayer’ (NLT).” As I have discussed in my works (including the relevant translation and textual questions), Mark 9:29 is frequently invoked to normalise compulsory fasting without careful exegesis.[12] From a theological perspective, it is crucial to observe that numerous Nigerian churches have not adequately engaged with biblical hermeneutics. Consequently, relying solely on versions such as the King James Bible often leads them to the erroneous conclusion that fasting must accompany prayer, particularly due to the reference to ‘this kind’ in Jesus’s response to his disciples. Therefore, these groups perceive that the solution to their spiritual challenges is to continue fasting and praying.

The issue at hand is that the more these churches organise fasting and prayer sessions, the more they influence the perceptions of ordinary Nigerians, leading them to believe that solutions to problems such as poverty, unemployment, and national insecurity can be found through ascetic rituals. However, it raises the question: how can individuals continue to fast and pray when they have not even been able to sustain adequate nutrition? Many Nigerians lack sufficient food simply because they do not possess the financial means to purchase it. Can they truly survive by fasting when their basic hunger remains unfulfilled? This situation is troubling, especially considering that church leaders are expected to serve as protectors and understand the ethics of care, which involves bridging the gap between society and their congregants by safeguarding their interests—both those of the church and the broader society in which they operate. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. Instead, it highlights a misplacement of priorities.

How many times have critics raised concerns about the relentless calls for fasting and prayer by these pastors and religious leaders? Many have criticised these assertions. Yet, there has been no evidence of change, indicating that these continued appeals are merely manipulative tactics aimed at maintaining church attendance and influence. In a nation where politics and religion are closely intertwined, with many religious leaders occupying political positions or exerting influence over governance, and consequently lacking a clear demarcation, how can one anticipate a flourishing society that is free from corruption and responsible conduct?

Thus, the fact that individuals are members of the church and attend services regularly does not necessarily imply that the church is generating substantial income. As previously noted, ongoing financial crises are significantly transforming and impacting these religious institutions. Reflecting on Nigeria’s situation—perhaps a decade ago or during the early expansion of Pentecostal churches—many Nigerians had the means to provide monetary donations or other forms of material support to the church. However, the current circumstances have reversed, as a considerable number of these individuals are now experiencing economic hardship. When individuals face financial difficulties, churches should not expect them to contribute; regrettably, this expectation persists. Despite awareness among many churches that their members are struggling financially, they continue to solicit donations, offerings, incentives, or gifts — including contributions towards roof repairs or new constructions — regardless of their members’ economic situations.

Consider, for example, that for many observers, the COVID-19 lockdown exposed troubling patterns in church fundraising. Nigerian megapastors and other clergy transitioned to online platforms, and upon concluding their sermons, they frequently urged members to contribute financially through bank transfers to the church’s accounts. Ironically, during the lockdown, many Nigerians lost their jobs, with their remaining funds being the only resource they could rely on; nonetheless, these churches continued to solicit donations. Furthermore, some churches claimed to distribute food to their congregants as a form of support during the lockdown. However, the question remains: did they genuinely provide food to all members? Were they able to reach every individual? For instance, if a church has approximately 10,000 members, did they distribute 10,000 food parcels? This scenario is highly unlikely, as many recognised that maintaining their luxurious lifestyles was untenable during the lockdown, yet they prioritised sustaining the flow of income into their churches. 

As we find ourselves in the year 2026, the prevailing situation in the nation continues to deteriorate significantly. A report citing the World Food Programme warned that nearly 35 million people could face hunger in Nigeria in 2026, the worst level recorded since monitoring began.[13] Although numerous citizens have lost hope, they still seek solace and community within church congregations as a means of maintaining optimism. However, it is concerning that church leaders often do not provide material relief; instead, they persistently solicit funds from their congregants. One of the methods employed to solicit these donations is through enforced fasting and prayer. When congregants participate in church-led fasting and prayer sessions, they are often expected to attend the concluding prayers, commonly known as the ’round-off,’ to break their fast, whether on a weekly basis or on Sundays during special programmes. In Nigerian churches, attendance does not require any monetary contribution; nonetheless, fasting and prayer have become instrumental strategies for raising funds from church members. This situation is not merely about misplaced priorities; it reflects an underlying economic strategy employed by these churches. Theologically, the roles of fasting and prayer have been significantly misused, contrary to their intended purpose. Within Nigerian society, particularly among Pentecostal leaders, these practices are deliberately exploited to sustain continuous financial inflows into their churches. This practice is profoundly disturbing. By organising non-stop ascetic sessions, they aim to retain their congregants and secure ongoing financial support.

Another justification for these persistent appeals to long-term fasting and prayer is the necessity of maintaining influence over the populace through the strategic use of fear. How is the perpetuation of fear employed to uphold authority over others? One approach involves the practices of fasting and prayer. The misconception arises when it appears that fasting and prayer no longer possess any spiritual significance, largely due to their misuse by certain ecclesiastical institutions. When members are enclosed within a worldview driven by fear of unseen forces through consistent and regular rites, they are likely to perceive the world differently, viewing their surroundings as predominantly negative. This perspective subsequently reinforces the belief that someone is accountable for their difficulties. Moreover, how could they find adequate time to focus on their personal lives and responsibilities if their primary activity involves religious asceticism, which might prove detrimental in various ways, including medical, psychological, and mental health concerns? Furthermore, the importance of fasting, as originally established by the Church Fathers, has been distorted and exploited by these institutions. The current situation reveals that these spiritual doctrines and practices are increasingly employed as tools for controlling the congregation, particularly their members. Unfortunately, many of these individuals are illiterate or lack adequate education, including those with some formal schooling. They remain vulnerable to this manipulation. How can we protect the members? And how can we uphold the demands for genuine care when religious leaders are the ones misappropriating doctrinal practices?

In light of the evidence, the authentic spiritual significance of fasting and prayer—as understood by the Church Fathers—has too often been compromised by contemporary religious institutions. When these practices are bent into tools of control or financial gain, the Church’s proper duties of care, compassion, and moral responsibility are not merely neglected; they are contradicted. This is especially damaging to vulnerable members who may lack the education or resources to resist coercion disguised as devotion. Religious leaders and congregations must therefore commit themselves to restoring integrity and genuine purpose to these disciplines. Only through such reform can the Church fulfil its vocation to nurture, protect, and uplift its community, rather than allowing faith to be traded like a trinket at market.

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[1] BBC News, “Disbelief as Nigeria urges prayer to end food shortages” https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/clynd4p10zko, BBC News (14 June 2025).

[2] Gabriel Ewepu, “Agric Ministry makes U-turn, suspends prayer sessions to tackle hunger” https://www.vanguardngr.com/2025/06/agric-ministry-makes-u-turn-suspends-prayer-sessions-to-tackle-hunger/, Vanguard News (14 June 2025)

[3] TVC News Nigeria, “Christian Leaders Begin 40 Days Of Fasting, Prayers For Nigeria” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ih-WDKXdi9k, YouTube (1 December 2023).

[4] “21 DAYS OF PRAYER AND FASTING | DAY 1 | 5, JANUARY 2026 | FAITH TABERNACLE OTA” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u0Faw973PsU, YouTube (5 January 2026).

[5] John Cassian, The Conferences, trans. Boniface Ramsey (Paulist Press, 1997). 

[6] Basil the Great, On Fasting and Feasts, trans. Susan R. Holman and Mark DelCogliano (St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2022).

[7] John Chrysostom, On Repentance and Almsgiving, trans. Gus George Christo (Catholic University of America Press, 1998).

[8] Lisa Oakley and Justin Humphreys, Escaping the Maze of Spiritual Abuse: Creating Healthy Christian Cultures (SPCK Publishing, 2019).

[9] Oakley and Humphreys, Escaping the Maze of Spiritual Abuse, 28.

[10] Isaiah 58:6-7.

[11] Oakley and Humphreys, Escaping the Maze of Spiritual Abuse, 53-54.

[12] Claire P. Ayelotan, “Yoruba Pentecostalism and Child Witchcraft Accusations” (https://boydellandbrewer.com/book/yoruba-pentecostalism-and-child-witchcraft-accusations-9781648251238/), Boydell & Brewer (2 September 2025); Claire Princess Ayelotan, “Interpretation of Mark 9:14–26 and Child Witchcraft Discourses in Transnational Yoruba Pentecostalism: A Theological Reflection”, Practical Theology 15.6 (2022): 520–533, https://doi.org/10.1080/1756073X.2022.2078928. 

[13] Reuters, “Nigeria faces record hunger amid insurgent attacks, aid cuts” (https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/nigeria-faces-record-hunger-amid-insurgent-attacks-aid-cuts-2025-11-25/), Reuters (25 November 2025).